Isabel Monal is among the most influential Marxist scholars and organizers of the Latin American culture. Cuba, heads the international journal "Marx Ahora", presented on May 7 last year in Havana during the "IV International Conference on the work of Karl Marx and the Challenges of XXI Century", sponsored by the Institute of Philosophy with participation of scholars from around the world. Among the many interesting texts published in the journal, point out the almost unknown "Philosophical Arabesques," Bukharin, three important documents of indigenous Americans, a long essay on the economics of perestroika and other insights on imperialism, on Hegel, Marx, Freud, Gramsci, Althusser, and the commodification of culture many others.
I ask, first, to explain to the reader the source of the Italian magazine that you live "Marx Ahora" and the role it plays in the theoretical and political debate in Cuba and Latin America.
The journal "Marx Ahora" was conceived in the early '90s and the first issue came out in '96. It was a very difficult time economically the Cuban revolution and it was not easy to find the best way to release the magazine. It was clearly a project of Marxist magazine at a time of conservative and neo-liberal hegemony on a global scale. We thought a lot about what title to give to the magazine. We thought maybe it was a better way nearer to the Latin American and Cuban national struggle. The other option was a reference to Marx and Marxism. Finally we decided to refer to Marx, not Marxism, even though this is clearly a Marxist journal that publishes several research trends Marxist. But we wanted to make a direct reference to Marx, the curator of design, the method of the whole movement for social emancipation of man. We also thought that a magazine was to be a contemporary of Marx, the world today, with today's problems. Then came this idea of \u200b\u200b"Ahora" which in English is an expression of strong, beautiful, is better than "hoy" why "ahora" has the meaning of a pulse of an emergency. It is not only a reference to time, at the time, but is also a reference to the urgency to act, the actualization of Marxism, its development of its enrichment. We also agreed that had to be a theoretical review, in the broadest sense of the term: philosophy, economics, political theory, etc.. And then the international dimension, because if we are a magazine of quality we need a theoretical perspective, of academics, politicians expressing different tendencies, different concepts. This is also a treasure for the technical quality. The magazine is published twice a year because the construction is complex because we need to do a lot of translations. We have published several Italian authors, leading figures of Italian Marxism today and also the tradition and we are very proud of this line.
Latin America today expresses vitality and social policy across most countries, including Cuba vitality This would seem to foreshadow a strong recovery of the socialist perspective. At the same time, emerging differenze, anche profonde, tra i diversi paesi del subcontinente. Vuoi spiegare lo scenario presente di quello che molti definiscono “il socialismo del secolo XXI”?
In questa vitalità troviamo una diversità di sviluppi, di tendenze, di processi. Si trovano cambiamenti molto moderati, come per esempio in Uruguay. Esiste poi il problema di Lula che non può fare molte cose, anche se pensiamo che avrebbe potuto fare di più. Io difendo Lula, ma c’è una certa disillusione. Poi si trovano altre tendenze rivoluzionarie che sono arrivate al governo ma non al potere. Chavez, che è un vero rivoluzionario e che ha portato avanti un processo di radicalizzazione della rivoluzione. C’è l’esperienza importantissima of Bolivia which is the first time that the government is an indigenous president. In the nineteenth century we had in Mexico Benito Juarez - a great man of America that I admire very much - but it was an expression of the liberal movement. As Evo Morales is an expression of the indigenous movement has become a protagonist of the social movement with a national project and this is very important for Latin America. Because before the Indian uprisings were limited, but now the Bolivian indigenous movement presents itself as a national and international perspective. This is really amazing because it shows that if you have an intelligent policy, the indigenous movement may have a role in national and continental levels. Then there the experience of Ecuador with a very good president who is opening a dialogue with the parties and the indigenous movement in Ecuador, although it is not as radical as a process in Venezuela or Bolivia. I do not speak of Chile continues to be fully neo-liberal. Each of these experiences is different, because the traditions are different, the class relations are not the same, the level of class consciousness, political maturity are not the same. Each process is different and needs flexibility. We also find many difficulties and serious dangers. Evo Morales will be able to control such a complex situation? Wait, is not safe. The Venezuelan process has become very complicated. Revolutions are made by men, social classes, of different people that can go wrong. We can not be completely sure that the outcome of these revolutionary processes become permanent, to stabilize. But one thing is clear: Latin America will no longer be what it was before. U.S. imperialism and the oligarchies can no longer do what they did before. This is very clear. You spoke of "socialism of the XXI century". I and many people in Latin America working on these issues we think there is much confusion, that the writings on this matter are not serious. Leaders of the indigenous movement in Ecuador, ad esempio, hanno la stessa percezione. Non hanno fiducia in questo concetto, non lo considerano chiaro. Uno di questi dirigenti mi diceva: “Isabel, prima i marxisti mi parlavano del socialismo e io potevo capire cosa voleva dire perché noi abbiamo la proprietà comune della terra. Ma questo socialismo del secolo XXI? Perché del secolo XXI?”. Certo se pensiamo di conseguire il socialismo nelle nuove condizioni del XXI secolo, questa è un’altra cosa: è possibile parlare di socialismo nelle condizioni del secolo XXI, tenendo presenti tutte le cose fatte nel secolo scorso, gli errori, le persecuzioni. Con tutto ciò, con la nuova realtà del mondo, sì, si può parlare di socialismo nel secolo XXI. Ma Socialism of the XXI century is also linked to the idea of \u200b\u200bcomputer-socialism that seems to me a very weak conception, is linked to the influence of Scottish school, the school in Bremen, Arno and his computer socialism. I do not agree that socialism is only participatory democracy, it needs to be social. What I mean: the illiterate, the illiterate can participate, but continues to be marginalized. We want socialism, participatory and social whole. Those who advanced this XXI century socialism argues that the law of value no longer exists because there are computers! This is the total lack of understanding of Marxist political economy.
What is the role of Cuba in this revival of the Left and social movements in Latin America? What is the function Cuba today, what role, even at the level of theoretical reflection, in this revival of the Latin American left?
of Cuba's greatest contribution is to exist, to be there and this is recognized by all progressive forces. Because Cuba has endured, showed that it was possible to get to socialism, with all the difficulties we have. You can if you resist imperialism in an intelligent manner, with the unity of the people, defending its principles. This was a moral support, political, ideological for all socialist and progressive forces in Latin America. Why you should consider that the end of terrible dictatorships in Latin America has been marked by a kind of illusion, with the bourgeois-type democracies. It was thought that democracy would solve the social question, in a context that saw the world the end of real socialism and the advance of neoliberal capitalism as one and only alternative. And Latin America is plunged into a terrible night: massive poverty, the privatization of all the natural resources exploited and robbed. We now have this awakening of the continent and the Cuban revolution was there with his message of possibility. This is the first cosa. Fidel Castro è una figura prestigiosa nel mondo e in America Latina, con una forza enorme. Anche persone che non sono né socialiste né marxiste ammirano la lotta, l’intelligenza, la flessibilità di Fidel Castro che non ha mai avuto una concezione marxista settaria o dogmatica. C’è stata l’apertura ai cattolici, agli indigeni, a tutte queste diversità. La rivoluzione cubana ha avuto sempre questa apertura. Un’apertura dentro i principi socialisti. Non ha mai negato i principi. Perché si trovano persone aperte che dimenticano i principi. No, i principi non si dimenticano e la gente apprezza queste cose. Per uomini come Evo Morales o Chavez e molti altri la rivoluzione cubana con la sua apertura, con il grande very strong sense of humanity that is present in the Cuban people, was teaching a lesson. Also in the perspective of internationalism and solidarity. These are the main contributions of Cuba While the thought of revolution, the link between social and national-revolutionary conditions are very important in Latin America and can be used, certainly without copying from other movements.
How dwindling political forces of the anti-European left could draw inspiration from Latin America?
My dear friend, this is a very difficult question. I do not have an answer for this. We can say that for us revolutionaries Latin American Marxists and what happened with the Left, Marxism, socialists and communists in Europe, is a huge concern. I am strongly internationalist, some are Latin, but what has happened in Europe is also part of me is not something alien, distant. I also lived in Europe, Germany and France. I visit Europe regularly. You probably have made many mistakes, but my knowledge is not enough to say what I want and do not improvise. I hope that the left forces in many European countries do a deep self-criticism and criticism and develop in a way close to workers, popular movements in Europe. And 'certain that every situation is different and can not be translated mechanically. We must regain the ability to represent, as the European left has done in the past, the popular forces, expectations, hopes, his needs.
Donatello Santaroni
http://www.liberazione.it/a_giornale_index.php?DataPubb=05/08/2009
(pictures from the web)
